Jerrold Kessel: Impact of Mideast conflict on Israelis

This is the first part of a two-part chat series on the impact of the Middle East conflict on the personal lives of Israelis and Palestinians. Jerrold Kessel, a deputy bureau chief for CNN in Jerusalem and a correspondent based in the network's Jerusalem Bureau, presents the impact on Israelis He joined the CNN.com chat room from Jerusalem.

CNN: Thank you for joining us today, Jerrold Kessel, and welcome.

KESSEL: Nice to be with you.

CNN:What impact does the conflict in the Middle East have on the personal lives of Israelis?

KESSEL: As the ten months of confrontation has gone on, many people have tried to push it aside, tried to come to terms with it. They've handled it in different ways. We had a period a few months ago where there was a definite inclination towards escapism. Many Israelis really didn't want to know about the confrontation going on. They felt removed. But there has been a significant change in the last few months, when the nature of the fighting really came home dramatically to Israelis, since Palestinians have transferred the attacks to within Israeli cities, and not just in the West Bank and Gaza.

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In one sense, this has reinforced the argument of Jewish settlers in the West Bank and Gaza, who argued from the outset of this intifada that it was directed not only against them and the Israeli occupation, but against Israel itself. Politically, many Israelis would still not accept that thesis, but practically, they are having to confront the fact, and many now do believe that the confrontation is everywhere. Even with that, there are still very many different ways that Israelis believe what is now seen as a challenge by the Palestinians should be handled. Views range from those that believe the Sharon government is doing the right thing in trying to target what Israel sees as the source of the hostilities, through those who believe that Israel should adopt a much fiercer response to the Palestinians as a whole, all the way across to those who believe, in contrast to this government, that the time has come to start talking again, even though the shooting continues. But whatever the views on that, there are almost no Israelis now who feel their lives are unaffected by this unceasing confrontation, and that it needs to be confronted.

CHAT PARTICIPANT: How does the Israeli assassination program affect the moral views of Jewish Israelis?

KESSEL: It's a splendid question, because it's almost not a question for Israelis. That's the way they feel it. Throughout the three decades of it this occupation, not just this last year of the intifada, Israelis have tried to grapple, at times more earnestly, at times less, with some of the moral questions arising out of the occupation. Because, perhaps, of the ferocity of the current nature of the fighting, and because they believe, by and large, that the Palestinians are responsible for the outbreak of the violence, there's almost across the board support for the idea of what the government calls "targeting of individual militants," what the Palestinians and much of the world sees as an assassination policy. There are those who are gung-ho about this policy, and others are much more reluctant, but ask what the alternative is, if Israel has to go on trying to pre-empt the would-be bombers. So, there's almost no dissent from the policy, uncomfortable as some Israelis might be about it.

CHAT PARTICIPANT: A map of Jewish settlements within the Territories shows them to be fairly dispersed. How central are the settlements to the daily violence, and what impact has this had on the attitude towards the settlers by the rest of Israelis?

KESSEL: Another good question. That's the most interesting thing, as one looks back over the 10 months of violence, and perhaps this will be seen as the most critical element by future historians of the shape of this intifada, is that the Palestinians took a fair amount of time to focus their fighting -- resistance, they would call it -- on the settlements themselves. They are, for Palestinians, the symbol of the continued occupation. They say the heart of their intifada is to rid themselves of the occupation. But it's really only in the last couple of months that the attacks have focused more on settlers, settler traffic on the roads, and so forth. So, there have been ups and downs in the settlers' ability to convince their fellow Israelis that they're not "the problem," that they're not the heart of the matter, and that the Palestinian attacks are against all Israelis.

Parallel to the nature of the Palestinian attacks, the attitude of Israelis in general to the settlers has fluctuated. It's likely to go on like that, so long as the shape of the intifada keeps changing. By and large, the same attitudes that Israelis might have held towards the settlement have not really changed, they've only been reinforced. Those that believed that they should be integrated permanently into Israel believe it all the more so. Those who believed that when there is a political agreement finally down the line, should there be such an agreement,argue that most of the settlements would have to go. Despite the fighting, people with those views believe it even more strongly.

We should stress again that there are different views about the different settlement areas, and what you referred to as the dispersed settlements is important, because an overwhelming majority of Israelis would say they should be annexed to Israel even in the context of a peace agreement, whereas others, especially those close to the interspersed Palestinian towns and villages, could be given up. On the other hand, there are those who believe firmly that no settlements whatsoever should be given up, and therefore no agreement with the Palestinians is possible.

CNN: What don't we hear about the everyday lives of Israelis?

KESSEL: At the moment, trying to cope with this very real pressure, Israeli nerves are at present all a-jangle. Along with the fears of more bombings, which are now very real, there has emerged in the last few weeks a different mood. It's no longer just resignation. There's also a sense of defiance, and a renewed feeling that the Palestinians need to be resisted, that sometimes pours over into feelings of vengeance, as we spoke before of the policy of targeting individual militants. We're in the heart of the summer. Many Israelis are traveling abroad, but this summer, to paraphrase the song, living ain't easy. Even when they travel abroad, there's a wariness that Israel may be more and more isolated in the international community, and Israelis may now feel the need to not just get away for awhile, but also serve as good ambassadors.

CNN: Do you have any final thoughts to share with us?

KESSEL: This is a very difficult time in Israel. Israelis of all political views face this difficult time. The question is, as Israel does become more criticized in the world, pushed, as they see it, into a corner, what impact this mood will have on how they relate to the Palestinians in turn. It may be that Prime Minister Sharon, as he constantly says, will not be swayed by pressure to do things differently from the way he thinks is best for Israel. In other words, he says not to adopt an even tougher approach. And he may be right, he may resist that, but public mood does tend -- especially in a democracy, and even if it is a consensus Israel now -- to have an effect on leaders and what policies they might adopt.

CNN: Thank you for joining us today.

KESSEL: Good questions. Thank you.

Jerrold Kessel joined the CNN.com chat room by telephone and CNN provided a typist. This is an edited transcript of the interview which took place on Wednesday, August 8, 2001.